For the Qara Khitai see M. Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam:The Qara Khitai (Western Liao) Dynasty”, unpublished Ph.D dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2000; Ji Zongan, Xi Liao shi lun:Yelü Dashi yanjiu (Historical essay on the Western Liao:Yelü Dashi’s studies), Urumchi, 1996; Wei Liangtao, Xi Liao shi gao (A draft history of the Western Liao), Beijing, 1991; Wei Liangtao, Xi Liao shi yanjiu (Studies on Western Liao history), Ningxia, 1987; G. G. Pikov, Zapadnye Kidani, Novosibirsk, 1989; K. A. Wittfogel and Feng Chia-sheng, History of Chinese Society:Liao (907-1125), Philadelphia, 1949, pp. 619-74; V. V. Barthold, Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion, 4th ed., London, 1968, pp. 323-80.
Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam”, pp. 191-99; M. Biran, “Sinicization outside of China:The Case of the Western Liao,” paper read at the 51st annual meeting of the American Association of Asian Studies, Boston, March 1999.
Maḥmūd Kāshgharī, Compendium of the Turkic Dialects (Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk), trans. R. Dankoff in collaboration with J. Kelly, Cambridge, Mass., 1982-85, vol. 1, p. 341. Tamghaj derives from the name of the Tabgach, the royal clan of the Northern Wei dynasty (386-534), transcribed Tuoba in Chinese. It was the common Turkic name for China in the Orkhon inscriptions and till the early 13th century. See Jiang Qixiang, Xinjiang Hei Han chao qianbi (Coins of the Qarakhanid dynasty of Xinjiang), Urumchi, 1990, pp. 106-7; Zhou Jianqi, “Guanyu Taohuashi,” (On Tamghaj), Nei Menggu daxue xuebao, 1985, no. 4, pp. 57-65; Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam,” pp.196-8.
B. D. Kochnev, Karakhanidskie monety:Istochnikovedcheskoe i istoricheskoe issledovanie, Moscow, 1993, pp. 22-3; Jiang Qixiang, p.107; Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam,” p. 197.
Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam,” pp. 198-200.
See, e.g., Wei Liangtao, “Kalahan wangchao yu Song, Liao ji Gaochang Huigu de guanxi”, (On the relations between the Qarakhanids and the Liao, Song and the Uighurs of Gaochang), Zhongya xuekan, vol.1 (1983), pp. 212-23; Qian Baiquan, “Dashi yu Liao chao de jiaowang he Yelü Dashi de xizheng” (The contacts between the Liao dynasty and the Qarakhanids and their connection to Yelü Dashi’s journey westward) Zhongguo gudai shi (er), 1995, no.6, pp. 24-31; Zhang Yu, “Caoyuan Sichou zhi lu – Qidan yu Xi Yu” (The grassland Silk Road:The Khitans and the Western Regions), in:Nei Menggu dongbu qu kaogu xue wenhua yanjiu xue, Beijing, 1991, pp. 110-18; D. Sinor, “The Kitans and the Kara Kitay,” in M. S. Asimov and C.E. Bosworth (eds.), History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Vol. IV:The Age of Acheivements 750AD to the end of the Fifteenth Century. Part One:The Historical, Social and Economic Setting, Paris, 1998, pp. 227-42; L. Sokolovskaya and A. Rougelle, “Stratified Finds of Chinese Porcelains from Pre-Mongol Samarqand (Afrasiyab),” Bulletin of the Asia Institute, vol. 4 (1992), pp. 87-98.
Wei Liangtao, “Guanyu Kalahan wangchao qiyuan de ji ge wenti” (Some questions related to the problem of Qarakhanid origin), Minzu yanjiu, 2000, no.4, p. 61. The two works are Cai Tao’s Tiewei shan congtan (Collection of talks from the Iron mountains surrounding this mundane world) written in south China c. 1130 and Zhang Shinan’s Youhuan jiwen (Zhang Shinan’s literary collection), also written in south China in the early 13th century. Both mention the term as a title of the ruler of Khotan. On those works see, e.g., E. Hervouet, ed. A Sung Bibliography (Hong Kong, 1978), pp. 105, 339-40. The Heihan mentioned in the Song shi is written differently (see glossary).
For details, see Liu Yingsheng’s article in this volume.
Tuo Tuo, Song shi, (Beijing, 1977), ch. 490, pp. 14107, 14117. Wei Liangtao, “Kalahan wangchao qiyuan Huihu shuo bu zheng,” (Supplement to the hypothesis of the Uighur origin of the Qarakhanids), Lishiyanjiu, 1983, no. 3, pp. 112-19; Wei Liangtao, “Guanyu Kalahan wangchao qiyuan,” pp. 59-60.
Tuo Tuo, Liao shi, Beijing, 1974, e.g. pp. 35, 47, 91, 93, 100, 130, 133, 140, 142, 148, 161, 232, 245, 267, 429, 756, 1125, 1373, 1382. Wei Liangtao, “Kalahan wangchao yu Song, Liao”, pp. 212-23.
See Liu Yingsheng’s article in this volume.
Qiao Baiquan, “Dashi, Heiyi Dashi, Kalahan wangchao kaoshi,” (Dashi, black-clothes’ Dashi, an inspective factualization of the Qarakhanid dynasty), Minzu yanjiu, 1995, no. 1, pp. 75-82. A term equivalent to the “black clothes” Dashi appears in a Dunhuang Khotanese text that relates the Qarakhanid war with Khotan, about which see below; in the Song shi, ch. 490, p.14118, the same term refers to the Abbasid dynasty (750-1258), famous by its black flags.
See, e.g., Tuo Tuo, Jinshi (Beijing, 1976), ch. 121, p. 2637; Yuan Haowen, Yishan xianshengji (no place stated, 1850), ch.1, p. 2a; Wu Guangcheng, Xi Xia shu shi, Taibei, 1968, ch. 38, p.10b.
O. Pritsak, “Von dem Karluk zu den Karachaniden,” ZDMG, vol. 101 (1951), pp. 294-5 and see the criticism of this identification in Hua Tao, “Kalahan chaowang shizushu wenti yanjiu,” (On the Origins of the Qarakhanids), Yuanshiji beifang minzu shi yanjiu jikan, vol. 12-13 (1990), p. 111.
Jiang Qixiang, Xinjiang Heihan, passim:for later literature on Qarakhanid coins see, e.g., Wang Tao, “Xin faxian de yi bi Taohuashi Kehan qianbi”, (Newly found coin of Tamghaj Khaqan), Xinjiang qianbi, 1996, no.3.
Li Yinping, “Xinjiang Moyu xian chutu de jiaocang tong qian,” (Bronze coins unearthed from a hoard in Moyu county, Xinjiang), Xinjiang wenwu, 1996, no. 1, pp. 64-68.
See, e.g., Jiang Qixiang, “Atushi, Kashi, Hetian diqu Qalahan chao yiji diaocha,” (A Survey of the ruins of Karakhan [sic] period in Artux, Kashgar and Khotan perfectures), in Xinjiang wenwu kaogu xin shouhuo, 1979-1989 (New achievements in archaeological research in Xinjiang during the time span 1979-1989), Urumchi, 1995, pp. 582-92; Li Yinping, “Heihan wangchao shiqi de liang jian tongqi,” (Two copper articles of the Qarakhanids), Xinjiang wenwu, 1996, n° 3, pp. 84-87.
For an introduction to the huge collection of Dunhuang manuscripts, the earliest dated from 359 and the latest from 1196, which were discovered in the Mogao caves in the early twentieth century see, e.g., E. Wilkinson, Chinese History:A Manual, Cambridge, Mass., 1998, 791-99 and the references there.
The Khotanese text was published in 1964 by Bailey, who translated it to English. (H. Bailey, Khotanese Texts vol. 2 , pp.125-29). In 1984 it was translated to Chinese, and published in the periodical Lishi dili (1984, no.3).
The easiest access to the Dunhuang texts as well as to information on new discoveries from Dunhuang is through the International Dunhuang Project Website (http://idp.bl.uk).
See, e.g., Wei Liangtao, “Guanyu Halahan wangchao de shiliao, wenxian ji yanjiu qinkuang,” (On the historical sources, documents and the state of research on the Qarakhanid dynasty), Xinjiang daxue xuebao, 1982, pp. 43-54.
Edited by Institut Vostokovedeniia AN SSSR and Institut Istorii AN KirgSSR, Moscow, 1973.
There is also an Uighur translation of Kashghari’s Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk published in 1981.
E.g., B. G. Gafurov, Istoriia Tadzhikskogo naroda, Moscow, 1964; M. P. Viatkin et al (eds.), Istoriia Kirgizii, Frunze, 1956; Akademiia Nauk Kazakhskoj SSR. Istoriia Kazakhskoj SSR, Almaty, 1979. Several of Barthold’s work, including A ShortHistory of Turkestan and Zwölf Vorlesungen über die Geschichte der Türken Mittelasiens were translated into Chinese in the 1980s.
See Wei Liangtao’s articles mentioned in n. 9 and Hua Tao, loc.cit. Non of those, however, mentions later developments on the subject, such as Karaev’s Cigil hypothesis (O. Karaev, Istoriia Karakhanidskogo kaganata [Frunze, 1983], 74-80; I never saw this monograph mentioned in Chinese studies), or Kochnev’s recent contribution (B. D. Kochnev, “The Origins of the Qarakhanids:A Reconsideration,” Der Islam, vol. 73 , pp. 352-7). I did not, however, have access to Hua Tao’s recent book (published in 2000, and see Liu Yingsheng’s article in this volume), which might be more updated.
Cf. for example the reference in Jiang Qixiang’s book (n.3) to coins of the eastern khanate found outside of China (see especially the table in pp. 36-43, based on the works of Fedorov, Davidovich etc.), with Kochnev’s article on the eastern khanate that ignores Chinese material all-together. (B. D. Kochnev, “The Trade Relations of Eastern Turkestan and Central Asia in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries according to Numismatic Data,” Silk Road Art and Archaeology, vol. 3 (1993/4), pp. 277-89.
Wei Liangtao, Kalahari wangchao shi gao (A draft history of the Qarakhanid dynasty), Urumchi, 1986.
For a recent attempt of synthesis, heavily drawing on Wei’s studies see, e.g., Li Jinxin, Xinjiang Yiselan hanchao shilue (An outline history of the Muslim khanates of Xinjiang), Beijing, 1999), pp. 2-100.
For a recent example see, e.g., E.A. Davidovich, “The Karakhanids”, in Asimov and Bosworth, pp. 119-44.
See, e.g., D. Christian, “Silk Roads or Steppe Roads?The Silk Roads in World History,” Journal of World History, vol. 11 (2000), pp. 1-26, who hardly treats the period between the Tang and the Mongols; M. Rossabi, “The Decline of the Central Asian Caravan Trade,” in G. Seaman (ed.) Ecology and Empire, Los Angeles, 1989, p.81; J. Bohavia, The Silk Road, 6th edition, Hong Kong, 1999, 29-30. Moreover, even books that specifically deal with this period usually hardly mention the Qarakhanids as participants in the medieval world system. Thus, Bently does not mention the Qarakhanids at all in his discussion of the period of 1000-1350AD (J. Bentley, Old World Encounters, Oxford, 1993, pp. 111-64; the same is true for Liu Xinru, Silk and Religion:An Exploration of Material Life and the Thought of People_AD 600-1200, Oxford, 1998, whose only reference to the Muslim world between the 10th-12th centuries is on p.184; see also the very short note in LiuYingsheng, Sichou wenhua:Caoyuan juan (The Culture of the Silk Road:The Grassland), Zhejiang, 1995, pp. 234-6.
See, e.g., P. Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Paris, 1973, vol. 1, pp. 221ff.
See, e.g., P. B. Golden, “The Karakhanids and Early Islam,” in D. Sinor (ed.), The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia, Cambridge, 1990, pp. 343-70.
Sokolovskaya and Rougeulle, pp. 87-98; “Saheng Tayi, Fukangxian, Sangongxiang Xi Liao tong jing,” (A Western Liao bronze mirror of the Sangong village in the Fukang county), in Zhongguo kaogu xue nianjian, 1993, Beijing, 1995, pp. 265-6; Bernshtam, Trudy Semirechenskoj arkheologicheskoj expeditsii Chujskaia dolina, Moscow, 1950, pp. 47-55, 139-42.
Ibn Isfandiyār, Ta’rīkh-i Ṭabaristān (n.p.s., 1941), vol. 2, p. 130; Nīshāpūrī, Saljūq nāmah, Tehran, 1954, p.74.
Yuan Haowen, ch.1, p.2a.
Tuo Tuo, Jin shi, ch. 50, p. 1114; ch. 121, p. 2637; ch. 134, p. 2870.
See E. I. Kychanov (trans. and ed.), Izmenennyi i zanovo utverzhdennyi kodeks devisa tsarstvovaniia nebesnoe protsvetanie (1149-1169), Moscow, 1987, vol. 2, pp. 225-27 (ch. 7, art. 440), and the discussion in Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam,” p. 272.
See in general Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam,” pp. 271-73.
See, e.g.,Chinese studies mentioned in n. 6 above.
For locating recent literature on Liao tombs see e.g. the annual Zhongguo kaogu xue nianjian (Yearbook of Chinese archaeology), and since 1996 also the periodical Archaeology and Art Index published in Hong Kong. For an attempt to analyze the materials in Liao tombs (though without any connection to the Qarakhanids or the Muslim world) see Tsao Hsingyuan, “From Appropriation to Possession:A Study of the Cultural Identity of the Liao through their pictorial Art”, unpublished Ph.D dissertation, Stanford, 1996.
Ma Wenkuan, “Liao mo Liao ta chu tu de Yiselan boli: Jiangtan Liao yu Yiselan shijie de guangxi,” (Islamic glass unearthed in Liao tombs and pagodas:the relations between the Liao and the Muslim world), Kaogu, 1994, no. 8, pp. 736-43.
Though not necessarily. See, e.g., the famous remark of Wugusun Zhongduan, who in 1220 was sent by the Jin dynasty to Transoxania to offer Chinggis Khan a peace agreement with the Jurchens. In his travelogue, Wugusun included a short history of the Qara Khitai which he ended with the note that “now there are only few of them left, and their dress is like that of the Muslims (Huihe).” This statement is often taken as a proof of the islamization of the remnants of the Qara Khitai after the dissolution of their empire. See the discussion in Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam,” p. 390.
For a preliminary list see the relevant entries in C. Brockelman, Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, Leiden, 1943, vol. 1, pp. 459-479 (e.g. entries no. 4, 10, 11, 12, 16, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 27, 30, 31, 41).
See, e.g. Brockelman, vol. 1, pp.548-9, 568.
Qāḍî Khān, Fatāwa Qāḍî Khān (Cairo, 1892-3), vol. 1, p. 585. Even if this legal discussion began before Qāḍî Khan’s times, it is still significant that he chose to reproduce them in his book. Cited in Biran, “China, Nomads and Islam,” p. 391.
Shahab Ahmed, “Mapping the World of a Scholar in Sixth/Twelfth Century Bukhara:Regional Tradition in Medieval Islamic Scholarship as Reflected in a Bibliography,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 120, no.1 (2000), pp. 24-43.
Ahmed, 43.Haut de page